Counter-narratives for »self-thinkers«

Written by: Luis Paulitsch

Since the 2010s, we have seen a wave of »alternative media« being set up online.
As well as digitalization, this has been fueled by turning points in society such
as the »refugee crisis« of 2015/16 and the COVID-19 pandemic. »Alternative media«
are a key means for populists in particular to create a narrative in digital echo
chambers, outside the established news media (cf. Russ-Mohl 2017: 216). The
website Breitbart News, for example, played a key role in Donald Trump’s victory
in the 2016 US presidential election. Relevant media such as Compact [1]
(Germany), Uncut-News (Switzerland) and Wochenblick (Austria) also gained reach
in the German-speaking world during this period (cf. Schwaiger 2021: 192).

Since then, the meaning of the term »alternative media« has changed somewhat. In
the second half of the 20th century, media like local newspapers and independent
radio stations consciously saw themselves as a counter-public sphere. From the
turn of the century, the political right increasingly claimed the term (cf.
Hooffacker 2020: 252f.). Today, »alternative media« are usually said to be close
to right-wing populist or far-right parties such as the Freiheitliche Partei
Österreichs (FPÖ) or Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). The most recent past,
however, has seen further »alternative media« that maintain stronger links to the
conservative milieu (cf. Bartlau/Posselt 2023). The author considers it useful to
distinguish right-wing conservative from other (right-wing) »alternative media,«
not least because these hold a particular position in the political public sphere.

»BEACON ALTERNATIVE MEDIA«

A broad spectrum of right-wing »alternative media« has formed in Germany and
Austria, with very different content focuses and strategies. A study by Lisa
Schwaiger provides a useful overview by conducting a network analysis of 178
alternative news sites in Germany, Austria and Switzerland (period: October 2018
to August 2019). Schwaiger differentiates between four types of »alternative
media,« one of which is the revealers of mainstream lies. This type presents
itself as an independent »media watchdog« able to uncover the alleged untruths of
the media and political establishment. Critics, on the other hand, often link
these media to disinformation and right-wing populism (cf. Schwaiger 2022: 145ff.).

Among these revealers of mainstream lies, Schwaiger found some publications that,
although they represent alternative positions, have certainly made it into the
»mainstream« that they themselves criticize by self-definition, for example
through a professional look or comparably high reach. Because these publications
are much more difficult to differentiate from traditional news media, they are
considered »beacon alternative media« (cf. Schwaiger 2022: 202). Three relevant
projects have been chosen for closer examination here: eXXpress (Austria), Tichys
Einblick and NIUS (both Germany). In line with the type described above, all three
position themselves as a counterweight to the dominant »mainstream.« [2] In
addition, these three players in particular have been the subject of fierce
criticism for some time now, including for their lack of balance and for campaign
journalism (cf. e.g., Wolff 2015; Esslinger 2018; Fidler 2023: 184f.; Wienand
2024a; Tóth 2024).

The question arises of the ideological orientation of these »beacon alternative
media.« The label »right-wing populist« would appear obvious, but the controversy
surrounding the definition of populism means that this is not entirely productive
(on this, cf. Müller 2016: 25ff.). Initially, the content of Tichys Einblick,
eXXpress and NIUS overlaps significantly with parties like the AfD and FPÖ,
especially regarding issues like migration, climate protection and »woke
ideology.« However, these issues have now become stereotypical enemies for
(moderate) conservative parties, too (cf. Biebricher 2023: 570ff.). In addition,
many far-right actors like the »Identitarian movement« appear to make efforts to
maintain a neutral distance – a key difference from many »alternative media«
close to the FPÖ and AfD (cf. Bruns/Glösel/Strobl 2018: 159ff.; Weidinger 2021:
255ff.). In line with the definition by Richard Stöss [3] and with the assessment
of relevant parties, classification as right-wing conservative »alternative media«
appears appropriate (cf. auch Meisner 2023).

CONSERVATIVE ACTIVISM?

Looking at the media’s owners also helps to classify right-wing »alternative
media.« Tichys Einblick was set up in 2014 by the former Editor in Chief of
Wirtschaftswoche, Roland Tichy. In its early days in particular, the
»liberal-conservative opinion magazine« was presumably funded predominantly by
Tichy himself – a leading actor in economic liberal networks for many years (for
example, he was a former Chair of the CDU-aligned Ludwig-Erhard-Stiftung; cf.
Demmel 2021: 54). Majority shareholder of eXXpress, founded in 2021, is attorney
Eva Schütz, who was previously Deputy Chief of Cabinet in the ÖVP-led Ministry of
Finance. Her husband was also a major donor to the ÖVP (cf. Fidler 2023: 183f.).
NIUS is funded by the German information technology expert and businessman Frank
Gotthardt, whose previous roles include Honorary Chair of the CDU Business Council
in the German state of Rhineland-Palatinate (cf. Wienand 2024b). [4]

All the financial backers thus have one thing in common: All of them have or had
close links to conservative parties or institutions. What motivates people with
roots in the civil establishment to set up a polarizing »alternative medium?« So
far, the actors have publicly stated that they do not consider the
German-language media landscape sufficiently diverse or politically balanced (cf.
Mittelstaedt 2024; Wienand 2024b; Messner 2024: 14ff.). It is impossible to assess
categorically whether they are also pursuing their own (economic) interests. It is
more likely that running a »confrontation portal« can be interpreted more as an
activist version of conservatism that aims to break with previous conventions (in
this case in media ethics) (on this, cf. Biebricher 2023: 50f.). [5] Political
scientist Natascha Strobl sees them as an expression of a radicalized conservatism
that, among other aspects, is conducting a »fight against the established media
system« (cf. Strobl 2021: 112; 121f.).

PROFESSIONAL JOURNALISTS

One major difference from many other »alternative media« lies in the staffing of
the editorial offices in the projects examined here. A defining aspect of earlier
alternative media was that their content was produced by protest groups, amateurs
or lay journalists (cf. Atton 2011: 15ff.; Hooffacker 2020: 252). This criterion
may still apply to some far-right periodicals. The editorial teams of FPÖ-aligned
»alternative media,« for example, largely comprise(d) political activists and
(former) FPÖ functionaries (cf. Goetz 2021: 40ff.).

In contrast, it is noticeable that Tichys Einblick, eXXpress and NIUS are or were
all led by (formerly) established journalists. All are marked by a certain
»damper« in their journalistic careers: From the start, the Editor in Chief of
Tichys Einblick has been Roland Tichy, who appears to have been previously
dismissed from his position at Wirtschaftswoche against his will (cf. Wiegand
2014: 10f.). Editor in Chief of eXXpress from 2021 to 2024 was tabloid journalist
Richard Schmitt, who was forced to leave Kronen Zeitung after the release of the
»Ibiza video« (cf. Fidler 2023: 182f.). And at NIUS, the former Bild Editor in
Chief Julian Reichelt is both Executive Director and arguably its best-known
writer. Reichelt was dismissed from Bild in 2021 after being publicly accused of
abuse of power (cf. Weidemann/Hanfeld 2021).

Tichy, Schmitt and Reichelt presumably still see themselves as journalists, albeit
journalists who want to fight back against what they see as the »uniformity« [6]
of their profession. [7] In this sense, these journalists are reminiscent of the
authoritarian innovator type researched by Oliver Nachtwey – a group of people who
consider themselves pushed to the side by liberal elites, among others, and react
to this with »institutionally subversive« behavior (cf. Nachtwey/Heumann 2019:
441ff.). Also striking is the provocative, sometimes aggressive rhetoric that
Tichy, Schmitt and Reichelt use in public appearances; the term »group-focused
enmity,« [8] made famous by Wilhelm Heitmeyer, is also worth noting in this
context (Heitmeyer 2018: 310).

SUPPORT FROM POLITICAL PARTIES

The final notable feature is the relationship between policymakers and the players
examined here. This highlights another difference from the »alternative media« of
the far right: With the exception of the FPÖ and AfD, the political parties have
so far shown little willingness to support this kind of publication in any way,
for example with advertising or interviews. [9] In contrast, politicians of
various leanings have had far fewer reservations about right-wing conservative
»alternative media.« In line with the idea of a »beacon alternative medium,« the
convergence with the »mainstream« that they criticize is clear: eXXpress, for
example, last year received public funding in the form of adverts from ÖVP-led
ministries (cf. Winter/Leibetseder 2023). Furthermore, the most regular
interviewees in the eXXpress television studio alongside the FPÖ are
representatives of the ÖVP. Numerous well-known politicians have now also appeared
on NIUS – particularly CDU politicians, for example on the talk show »Schuler!
Fragen, was ist« (cf. Rosenkranz 2024). Tichys Einblick also featured the voices
of various political actors prominently from day one, for example in the form of
(guest) columns [10] or on the associated video channel. [11]

Despite this, many politicians still appear to display reluctance, even distaste,
regarding the »alternative media« examined here. Apart from a very few exceptions,
representatives of left-wing liberal parties are almost never seen in Tichys
Einblick, eXXpress or NIUS. This may be linked to the editorial policy of the
publications in question. Firstly, they clearly display goodwill towards
right-wing populist actors, for example Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and
the Chair of the WerteUnion, Hans-Georg Maaßen. Secondly, the reporting takes the
form of almost frenetic campaign journalism against the Green party and their
policies (cf. e.g., Demmel 2021: 10; Wienand 2024a). It therefore comes as no
surprise that appearances by politicians in Tichys Einblick, eXXpress and NIUS are
largely limited to the conservative to right-wing spectrum.

OUTLOOK

So far, right-wing conservative »alternative media« have had mixed success in the
German-speaking world. In late 2023, for example, it was revealed that eXXpress
was heavily in debt and was forced to release all its reserves (cf. Mark/Schmid
2023). This situation may primarily be linked to the fact that the magazine was
courting a reader market already occupied by other right-wing »alternative media«
(cf. Bartlau/Posselt 2023). In addition, the decision to fund a right-wing
conservative »confrontation portal« still carries the risk of a certain loss of
reputation, as seen recently in the case of Frank Gotthardt (cf. Hartmann 2024).
It remains to be seen whether Tichys Einblick, eXXpress and NIUS can successfully
integrate into the public sphere of civil society in the long term (on this, cf.
Hooffacker 2020: 259).

Another factor in the future success of right-wing conservative »alternative
media« could be the extent to which political actors contribute to their
acceptance. Despite fierce criticism of their reporting from experts, many
politicians have so far had no qualms about continuing to cooperate with the
»alternative media« investigated here. This is surprising, given that politicians
in particular play a key role in attracting attention to a medium beyond its
target audience. Against this backdrop, there is now more intensive discussion in
the public sphere regarding whether political actors should appear in a medium
like NIUS and whether such appearances give social acceptability to methods that
display questionable media ethics (cf. recently Niggemeier 2024).